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The
Home Front Black domestic workers say
low wages and poor treatment are apartheid holdovers.
By David Gilson
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa,
March 30 — Until yesterday, Maggie worked as a live-in maid for a white
family in Randberg, a suburb of Johannesburg. When she asked her employers
for a raise, "They said black people are stupid and that I was trying to
be clever." Then they locked her out of their house.
She and her one-year-old son
Prince spent last night with friends, and this morning she came to the
Department of Labour in downtown Johannesburg to get help. As Maggie
explains her situation to a department inspector, her baby chews happily
on a piece of cheese and throws his socks on the floor.
Domestic
workers in South Africa often complain of low pay and long hours.
Some, like Maggie, lose their jobs when they challenge their
employers. Photo by David Gilson. |
A weary-looking black woman
in her forties, Maggie says she worked for her employers for three years.
She was paid $46 a month to clean the house and wash clothes. Her
employers often took in boarders but did not pay her for the extra work.
She decided to take a chance and ask for more money.
Shortly after her employers
refused her request, she took a week off to visit her five other children,
who attend school outside the city. When she returned yesterday morning,
her employers told her they were moving and that she was fired. They did
not let her collect her clothing, furniture and food from her room in the
back of the house.
"Everything I have is in the
house," she says. "If my employer goes tonight, I lose my things."
Maggie is one of more than
one million women who work as maids, cooks, nannies and house cleaners in
South Africa. Six years after the end of apartheid, the daily lives of
many domestic workers, have changed little. Like Maggie, they work long
hours for little pay and risk losing their livelihood if they ask for fair
wages or better treatment.
Almost all domestic workers
are black women (some men work as gardeners, drivers and handymen). By
some estimates, domestic work is the most common job for black women in
South Africa. With unemployment rates for black women at close to 40
percent, domestic work remains one of the few career options for poor
uneducated women.
In many ways, domestic labor
is a microcosm of South African society, where the aspiring many and the
privileged few live — sometimes literally — in each other's backyards.
Now, as domestic workers lobby the government for a minimum wage and more
legal protection, this sensitive subject is soon to be the center of a
heated debate that highlights the divisions between blacks and whites in
post-apartheid South Africa.
Breaking with the past On a Sunday
afternoon, organizers from the Cape Town chapter of the South African
Domestic Service and Allied Workers Union meet in a small office in a
community center. The nine women here say the poor treatment of domestic
workers is an apartheid-era relic that has no place in democratic South
Africa.
"For domestic workers the
struggle is not over until there is action," says union member Adelaide
Buso. "The book on apartheid has been closed, but there has been no
funeral. We are the ones who can bury apartheid." As the daughter of one
of the women serves tea, they sit and talk about their jobs and their
efforts to organize the domestic workers in the neighborhoods where they
work. The meeting officially begins with a prayer and a rousing cry of the
old liberation slogan, "Amandla! Awethu!" ("The power! Is ours!").
Domestic labor in South
Africa originated in the 17th century, when Dutch settlers enslaved
African women as household servants. Slavery was abolished in the 19th
century, but many of its exploitative and abusive aspects persisted. Under
apartheid, the government generally did not interfere in matters between
"master and servant," leaving employers free to treat employees as they
saw fit.
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Domestic labor
is one of the most common jobs for black South African women.
Paulina Legodi learns dress-making at a skills training project in
Johannesburg. Photo by David Gilson. |
Since 1994, South Africa has
scrapped the apartheid-era labor laws that denied domestics legal rights
and left them with little recourse if they were mistreated. A wave of new
legislation entitles full-time domestic workers to a 45-hour workweek,
overtime pay, sick leave, maternity leave and two weeks of paid vacation
every year. They now have the right to enter into a written contract with
their employers and the right to file complaints against employers.
"The only thing that really
changed was the laws on paper," says Myrtle Witbooi, a former domestic
worker who is the union's main organizer in Cape Town. She says few
employers follow the new laws because the government can do little to
enforce them. The Department of Labour does not have enough inspectors to
handle all complaints from domestic workers and they cannot enter
employers' homes without a court order. "The employers make their own
law," Witbooi says. "They exploit you so much more now."
The women say employers take
advantage of them, often to the point where they have little time for
themselves. They review a typical day's chores: make coffee, cook
breakfast, dress the children, make beds, clean toilets, wash windows,
scrub floors, feed the dog, buy groceries, wash and iron clothes, prepare
and serve dinner, wash dishes, and so on. Those who work as live-in
domestics say they only see their families on their days off.
Buso, who has long worked as
a live-in domestic for the same family, produces a bank receipt for a $27
holiday bonus and passes it around the room. She laughs bitterly, "After
fifteen years, this is what I get." She says she dares not ask for better
wages or a written contract. If she were fired, her age and failing health
would probably prevent her from finding another job.
"I'm not 60 yet, but I'm
finished," she says. Her joints ache from years of housework, but she says
she must keep working. "A domestic worker cannot survive without work,"
she says. "It's just slavery until death."
A new
wage confronts old attitudes Not all domestics are
mistreated or dissatisfied. Lydia Mahlaba, a 64-year-old retired maid from
Johannesburg, says her employers of 18 years always paid her well,
provided decent accommodations and treated her with respect. The work was
hard, but being paid a living wage made it easier.
When Mahlaba's employers
moved to the U.S. in 1995, they provided her with an apartment and a
generous pension. She says they have even offered to fly her out to visit
them. "They built me a house and are still paying me. Whatever I ask, they
send," she says. "They are really good people."
However, Mahlaba says her
situation is an exception. Many of her friends have not been so fortunate.
"I wasn't working like the others," she says.
Domestic workers' wages vary,
but most earn less than the national average income $.3310 GNP per capita.
According to a government study, 80 percent of domestic workers earn less
than $100 a month and 35 percent make under $45 a month. Perhaps due to
the prevalence of domestic work, these salaries are on a par with many
black South African women's. The 1996 census found that 48 percent of
employed black women earn $77 or less per month. In contrast, less than
five percent of white women fell into this category.
The South African Department
of Labour is planning to announce the first minimum wage for domestic
workers in October. The domestic workers' union is lobbying the government
for a minimum wage of $185 a month for full-time domestics and $1.50 an
hour for part-time workers. The union says that a fair minimum wage is
just the beginning. It is also lobbying parliament to include domestics in
legislation on unemployment insurance, worker's compensation, affordable
housing and child labor.
Annemari van Zyl, who heads
the Department of Labour's efforts to set a minimum wage, says the union's
demands are unrealistic. "It's just too high," she says. "To improve from
[$45] to [$185] will just kill employers." Van Zyl explains that the
government's primary goal is to raise wages for the lowest paid third of
domestic workers. In doing so, it must walk a fine line between domestic
workers' basic needs and what employers' pocketbooks can bear.
Some employers have already
said that a higher wage would force them to lay off their domestics, but
most employers can afford some kind of wage increase, van Zyl says. It's
largely a matter of priorities: some employers spend more on entertainment
or church donations than on their domestic's salary. "We're telling
employers that this is not some dehumanized being staying in your
backyard," Van Zyl says. "What will they be prepared to forgo to pay a
higher wage?"
Jean Bernstein, who runs a
skills training program for domestic workers in Johannesburg, says that
the country's struggling economy has pinched many employers' budgets, and
some can no longer afford full-time domestics. She says that if the new
wage were too high, "half the African servants would be thrown
out."
The new wage might lead
employers to fire their domestic workers, but only temporarily, says van
Zyl. After a month or two of doing their own housework, they will readily
rehire them. The union says that unless the government enforces the new
law, employers will find employees who will work for less than the legal
wage. At the very least, a minimum wage might remind employers that they
need domestics' labor as much as domestics need their money.
One
world, two universes In the past, many South African whites
expected maids, cooks and housekeepers as perquisites of the good life.
Thanks to apartheid laws that made it difficult for black women to get
anything but menial jobs, domestic servants were cheap, readily available
and easily dismissed. "When I got married, we all had flats with upstairs
rooms for servants," recalls Bernstein. "That was the traditional South
African way of life." Many of the traditions of domestic labor have
endured, from domestics calling their employers "sir" and "madam" to
full-time domestics living in servants' quarters.
Domestic workers remain a
ubiquitous part of the white world, and yet they never fully belong to it.
They spend their days taking care of their employers' homes and families,
but they are held at arm's length and sometimes viewed with distrust.
South Africans joke about employers who don't know their domestics' last
names, even after a lifetime of service. An urban myth that circulated
before the first democratic elections in 1994 warned that maids were
making secret inventories of their employers' homes in preparation for the
anarchy that would follow the change to majority rule. The rumor, of
course, was untrue.
"Employers will say, 'She's
just like a member of the family — but she can't use the bathroom,'" says
Stephen Francis. Francis, a New Yorker who moved to Johannesburg after he
married a South African, sees "the maid thing" as a unique reflection of
South African society. Along with two other cartoonists, Francis produces
"Madam & Eve," a comic strip that chronicles the misadventures of a
matronly white "madam" and her outspoken black maid, Eve. The strip, which
has been running in South African newspapers since 1993, is a national
hit, and plans for a sit-com are in the works.
In addition to satirizing
South African politics, "Madam & Eve" parodies many aspects of the
maid-madam relationship. Hardly a week goes by without Eve asking for a
raise — without success. In one strip, Eve hypnotizes her boss into doing
her own housework. "We're taking stereotypes and standing them on their
heads," says Francis. The rivalry between the strip's characters is always
good-natured. "Madam and Eve actually love each other, but they never
admit it."
But the distance between
Madam and Eve's real-life colleagues is not so easily bridged. On a sunny
afternoon in an affluent Johannesburg neighborhood, domestic workers go
about their work in an apartment complex. In the garden, black men in blue
coveralls mow the lawn and trim bushes. Black women in pink uniforms
occasionally appear in the windows as snippets of conversations and radio
programs in African languages drift though the halls.
From the outside of the
building, a string of small windows is visible on the fifth floor. The
windows are big enough to allow for ventilation, but too high to look down
into the garden or to see the downtown skyline rising over the nearby
cricket stadium. These are the domestics' rooms.
One woman who owns an
apartment in the building has employed the same domestic for 30 years.
Both women are nearly 70 years old. She says she pays a fair wage and puts
money aside for a retirement plan in addition to providing free food,
lodging and utilities. Her family also helped her domestic's son attend
college and when he graduated, they helped him find a job. But she says
her generosity has been barely acknowledged. "There's no sense of
gratitude. They just expect these things because of the past."
"They don't see us as human
beings," says Hester Stephens, a 60-year-old domestic worker from Cape
Town. She says her employers rarely acknowledge her contributions to their
family, such as taking care of their young son since he was an infant. Her
employers do not want their son to become too attached to her because she
is black. They told him to stop visiting her in her room and she says he
recently told her, "Auntie Hester, mum and dad say you're not my
mommy."
At times like this, there is
little to do but retreat to her room in the family's backyard. "You are so
isolated in that room. There is no one in that room with you when you go
to sleep," she says. "You just pray and you go to bed."
A longtime union organizer,
Stephens frequently comforts other domestics who have nowhere else to
turn. Though she is optimistic that the union can secure a living wage and
better work conditions for domestics, she is pessimistic about employers'
willingness to change their attitudes. "Employers in South Africa, even in
the year 5000, will always be the same," she says.
Waiting for change The ill-feeling between
domestic workers and employers inevitably takes on a racial overtone, says
Vusi Masinga, a commissioner at the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation
and Arbitration, a government body that negotiates labor disputes. "The
relative sense of deprivation in domestic workers is higher than in any
other industry," he says. They see the contrast between their lives and
their employers' lives as a reflection of the larger divisions between
blacks and whites. Likewise, employers often feel that domestic workers'
demands are just attempts to redistribute their wealth.
"There are raised
unreasonable expectations on one side," says Masinga, referring to the
domestic workers. "On the other, the employers feel like they're being
screwed because they're white." Many employers are resistant to change,
and as Masinga says half-jokingly, "The maids are becoming cheeky."
Resolving these tensions is
extremely difficult, says Masinga. Most of the domestic labor-related
cases he handles involve women who have already been fired. In these
situations, it is nearly impossible to restore a domestic worker's job and
too late to mend the relationship with her employer.
At the Department of Labour
in Johannesburg, inspector Khosi Mbombo listens to Maggie's story. Mbombo
explains that under the law, Maggie's former employers must let her
retrieve her possessions and they owe her a month's wages in severance
pay. Mbombo tries to phone the employer, but there is no answer. She says
she will try to organize a police escort to take Maggie to her
ex-employers' house the next morning, but she can't make any guarantees.
Carrying her baby and the
green plastic bag that holds her few belongings, Maggie walks back to a
waiting area and sits down. It could be a long wait.
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